Author Archives: genevieve0x

Agathangelou, Power and the Law, and Labor

Hey all,

Today I was working on history research and I was reminded of our class discussion on Agathangelou.  I didn’t get the chance to read Agathangelou’s piece, but I remember discussing how oppressed groups might desire power within an oppressive system, leading them to endorse laws that enact “revenge.”  This revenge is the only way for them to feel power, and in a way it is a distraction by the ruling class, which will grant them some legal rights to revenge, instead of sweeping reform that eliminates the need for those types of laws.

My history research is on anti-labor violence in the early twentieth century, and in researching this I came across a parallel idea.  In the Introduction to the book The Day Wall Street Exploded, about the 1920 bombing of Wall Street, Beverly Gage writes, “As late as the early 1930s, the significance of ‘class violence’ in shping the nation’s economic and political development seemed self-evident to many observers.  ‘To me,’ the social critic Louis Adamic wrote in his 1931 book Dynamite, ‘ it appears to be an inevitable result of the chaotic, brutalizing conditions in American industry, a phase of the dynamic drive of economic evolution in the United States.’  Adamic’s book was the first major work to survey the use of violence, especially terrorism, by the ‘have-nots against the haves.’ It was also the last.  Within a few years, as federal legislation reduced the level of violence in labor conflicts, the issue of bombings and assassinations began to lose some of its currency.” (*the bolding is mine)

Basically, the history of labor struggle in this country is pretty violent.  Because of the violently oppressive conditions of labor–for example, deaths in coal mines, injuries in factories–more radical workers turned towards violent methods to try to gain power.  There were assassinations of political or corporation leaders; there were bombings.  However, legislation (like the New Deal) that granted workers the right to joining a union or collective bargaining gave workers SOME legal support, eliminating the need for direct violence, but did nothing to reform the system.

Anyway, hope that makes sense! Just some thoughts that I connected from an American labor history context to ideas of power and the law, from our Agathagelou class discussion.

Crenshaw and Coates comment on recent events

Hey all,

Came across these two articles, one by Kimberlé Crenshaw about the legality of excessive force and broken windows policing, and one by Ta-Nehisi Coates about the use of violent and nonviolent tactics.  They are both really, really great reads. Crenshaw’s was definitely difficult for me to understand at times because of the legal stuff, but it’s really great how she lays how the interplay of legality and politics, and how that leads to a denial of justice within the legal system.  Coates’ was a little easier to understand because he is direcly reflecting what’s happening right now.  For example, he addresses President Obama’s vague and complacent language.  He also discusses how we view violence and nonviolence in our society, and how these tactics have been used, not just by protestors, but by the government.  Here’s a quote that I liked and felt resonated with our reading of Michelle Alexander’s The New Jim Crow: “What cannot be said is that America does not really believe in nonviolence—Barack Obama has said as much—so much as it believes in order. What cannot be said is that there are very convincing reasons for black people in Ferguson to be nonviolent. But those reasons emanate from an intelligent fear of the law, not a benevolent respect for the law.”

Here are the links to the articles, hope you get the chance to read them!

http://www.salon.com/2014/12/05/some_of_the_worst_racist_tragedies_in_history_have_been_perfectly_legal_kimberle_crenshaw_on_eric_garner_broken_windows_and_police_impunity/

http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2014/11/barack-obama-ferguson-and-the-evidence-of-things-unsaid/383212/

Indictment…of Ramsey Orta

Hey all,

Just found this and remembered we were trying to figure out, earlier in class, what happened to the man who filmed Eric Garner’s murder.  The guy’s name is Ramsey Orta and he was indicted by a Staten Island grand jury on firearm possession charges.  I believe his wife was also arrested around the same time but I can’t remember for what. This is supposedly “unrelated” to his filming of Garner’s murder, but he and his wife don’t think so.  It’s ridiculous what they choose to indict.  Anyway, for more info just click the link below.

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/12/03/ramsey-orta-indictment-eric-garner_n_6264746.html?ncid=fcbklnkushpmg00000021

Know Your Rights

Hey all,

I’ve been meaning to post this for a while.  Early in her book, The New Jim Crow, Michelle Alexander addresses “consensual” searches, during which a police officer will stop a person either in a car, in a bus, or on foot, and “ask” to conduct a search.  If the person agrees–which they do, because of the implied power dynamic–and any evidence is found, this evidence is admissible because the search was “legal,” although there was no warrant.  Agreeing to a consensual search waives your right to a warranted search, for which the standards of proof to obtain a warrant are a little higher than in police simply decided to “ask” you to search you or your belongings.  Anyway, this reminded me of an infographic that a friend posted a while ago.  I’ve been trying to find it, but I came across some other stuff in the meantime.

So for instance, here’s a know your rights infographic.  Gives you an idea of what you have the legal right to do if stopped.  The best part is the common police tricks questions…you don’t actually have to answer these (I didn’t know that!). But of course, be really careful. Always keep hands visible and be respectful…make it clear that you would like to leave and ask questions, but don’t make sudden movements or anything.  As me, Jeffery, and Mariana discussed in our project, its unfortunately clear who always has the last word in these things.

rights-infographic-online-paralegal-theblaze-copblock

Source: http://www.copblock.org/41612/know-your-rights-an-infographic/

I couldn’t find the original infographic that was going around.  Basically, it showed you a driver and a pedestrian and laid out for you what your rights are in either situation–they are slightly different.  Anyway, here’s another site I came across, with some pictures to illustrate possible encounters and tactics used by law enforcement to coerce people: http://www.lawcollective.org/article.php?id=10

What I got from this is, clearly state that you do not consent to a search, and establish the type of stop by asking if you are free to go.  Again, please always use caution when doing this.  Share it with friends and family, as these consensual searches are too often taken to be the norm, but we need to be informed about our rights.  Hope this info helps, but I also hope you never have to use it!

Criminalizing Motherhood?

Hey everyone,

I came across this story today.  It’s not as relevant to our current readings in The New Jim Crow, but I felt it was relevant to some of our earlier readings. Basically, the story covers the issue of women begging in the streets and on the subway with young children.  To begin with, I don’t think this is a good practice–in my opinion, these children should be in daycare, or with a family member who can take care of them.  In my opinion, I would prefer to see the women employed in more standardized jobs, for labor protections and steady incomes.

However, the video/article seems to advocate criminalizing these women, which I strongly disagree with. If you watch the video, especially, you can see the derision from the journalists, even when regular people on the street are sympathetic.  The judgement from the reporters in video is so over the top, it’s ridiculous. They ask why the women aren’t using public services, or if the women could be considered to be exploiting their children.  They don’t ask questions like, why are these women unemployed within our system, what is their situation like that they must be considering this.  The reporters claim that begging is “lucrative”–doesn’t that reflect a larger societal problem that an unpredictable, alternative, illegal form of employment is preferable for these women than a typical job?  But the reporters would rather condone these women for their choices (resulting from their life conditions).

The reporters are also so shocked that the women flip them off–wouldn’t anyone who is being harrassed by reporters and TV cameras?? They also fail to ask what I felt the number one is–are these women being exploited? That’s what I think when I see these women begging. I worry that they are being trafficked and exploited.  I was suprised that they are not also being harrassed by the police, who seem to give them a pass.  However, that may change now that this news segment is pushing for their criminalization.

Anyway, if you’d like to see a really condescending news segment, click the link below.

http://www.nbcnewyork.com/news/local/Panhandling-Women-Streets-New-York-City-Baby-Children-Mother-Police-Midtown-Sidewalk-Beg-282332001.html

“Civil Asset Forfeiture” in the News

Hey everyone,

On pages 78-83 in Alexander’s The New Jim Crow, we read about civil asset forfeiture and what that means–basically that cops can seize people’s property simply based on suspicion of crime.  I found this, of course, shocking, and also the cases that spurred a reform act interesting in their difference from the usual pattern of cases.

Anyway, I came across this news article today and thought I would share it with the class.  It’s a New York Times article titled, “Police Use Department Wishlist When Deciding Which Assets to Seize,” and gives some more shocking revelations about the ideas which surround this process.  If you have a few minutes, it’s definitely worth reading it, especially after reading The New Jim Crow chapters.

Excessive Force, Reasonableness, and Graham v. Connor

By: Jeffery Asiedu, Mariana Mihova, and Genevieve Mcnamara

Introduction

“Excessive force” and “reasonableness” are two terms that are common in court cases regarding police power.  “Excessive force” is defined as “the use of force greater than that which a reasonable and prudent law enforcement officer would use under the circumstances.”  “Reasonableness” is a standard that compares the person in question to a hypothetical one who “exercises average care, skill, and judgment in conduct that society requires of its members for the protection of their own and of others’ interests.”  Although loosely defined, these terms hold great power in the court of law and are often subject to interpretation.  This proved to be the case in lower court rulings of Dethorne Graham’s case against the city of Charlotte, North Carolina, regarding his brutal treatment at the hands of five police officers.  However, in Graham v. Connor, the Supreme Court ruled that his case, and others like it, must be reviewed under the objective Fourth Amendment standard. In our paper, we present not only the history and facts of the case, but our understanding of the role of the law, police power, and police profiling, as well as the long-ranging implications of the Supreme Court decision.

History of the Issue

The issue of excessive force used by the law is quite common, however the Supreme Court has only undertaken very few of these cases. Graham v. Connor is one of the landmark cases that established a precedent to deciding what kind of analysis should be used by the courts in deciding what is considered excessive force in the conduct of police officers during stops and searches. In a preceding case of Lester v. the City of Chicago it was decided that the criteria to be used in the seizure of a free citizen should be centered on the “reasonableness” standard rather than a “substantive due process”[1]. Graham v. Connor invoked the protection of the Fourth Amendment against unreasonable searches and seizures. The Fourth Amendment is often considered objectively in the court of law, as far as taking into account whether the police conduct was justified. This standard for “reasonableness” takes into account that “police are often forced to make split second judgements – in circumstances that are tense, uncertain, and rapidly evolving – about the amount of force that is necessary in a particular situation”[2]. This creates an incredible leeway as far as police misconduct is concerned, because the law tends to side with the police, whom are allowed to execute stops following reasonable suspicion based on their subjective observations. Brown remarks that the courts tend to side with the police officers due to the “danger and uncertainty inherent in every arrest situation.. deciding whether certain police conduct is reasonable involves making judgments about dangerous situations that judges know little about (1991).” This  places an incredible amount of confidence in the “split second” judgement of the police officer, and is a quite unreliable way to decide whether the actions of the officer are justified.

The first Supreme Court case ruling that still guides the interpretation of the use of deadly force by law enforcement is the case of Tennessee v. Garner (1985) in which the courts decided that police officers could not shoot at a suspect attempting to flee in order to prevent their escape. The standard of excessive force originated with the 1973 Second Circuit decision of Johnson v. Glick. This was a case in which a pretrial detainee had claimed assault from a prison guard under section 1983. In this case, the court did not apply the Fourth Amendment and instead clarified that constitutional protection from excessive force “quite apart from any ‘specific’ of the Bill of Rights, application of undue force by law enforcement officers deprives a suspect of liberty without the due process of law”[3]. The test for excessive force that came about from the court’s decision characterizes that the use of force must be measured by the severity of the crime, any possible danger to the officer, the risk of flight, and whether or not the force was applied with malicious intent[4].

  1. 1830     F.2d 706 (7th Circuit 1987) Lester v. City of Chicago
  2. Rhenquist,     Chief Justice. (n.d.). Certiorari to the United States Court of     Appeals for the Fourth Circuit 490 U.S. 386 (1989). Retrieved     November 1, 2014, from     http://law.uark.edu/documents/Bailey-CrimPro-Graham-v.-Connor.pdf
  3. 3481     F.2d at 1032.
  4. 4481     F.2d 1028 ( 2nd Cir. 1973) Johnson v. Glick.

Case Background

On November 12, 1984, Dethorne Graham was working in an auto shop in Charlotte, North Carolina.   Graham had diabetes, and began to feel symptoms of an insulin reaction. Graham asked his friend, William Berry, to drive him to a convenience store nearby so that he could purchase juice to stabilize his insulin. Once inside the store, Graham noticed a long line at the check out counter. He ran from the store into Berry’s car, and asked Berry to drive him to a nearby friend’s house.[1] This behavior attracted the attention of a nearby police officer.

Charlotte Police Officer M.S. Connor, who had been parked in his patrol car outside the store, noticed Graham running from the store and became suspicious. Connor followed Berry’s car, and stopped him about a half a mile away. Berry informed the officer that Graham was having a “sugar reaction,” but Connor responded that he had to find out what had happened at the convenience store. Connor radioed for police backup. In the meantime, Graham’s condition was quickly deteriorating. He exited the car and circled it twice before sitting on the curb and passing out. When he woke up, he was handcuffed and lying on the ground.[2] His behavior had been misunderstood by the responding police officers.

The four officers who arrived as backup assumed that Graham was drunk, with some making comments about his presumed intoxication and others remarking that they knew diabetics who did not act as he was. They did not allow Graham to access his diabetic identification card, which was in his wallet. When a friend brought Graham juice, officers did not allow Graham to drink it. The officers also carried him to Berry’s car, shoving Graham’s face against the hood in the process. As a result of this encounter, Graham experienced a broken foot, lacerations on his forehead and wrists, and an injured shoulder. He also stated that he developed a ringing in his right ear.[3] Graham took his case to court.

Graham sued the five involved officers, as well as the City of Charlotte in Graham v. City of Charlotte. He alleged that his constitutional right to be free from excessive force had been violated. The district court applied the four-part “substantive due process” test developed after the Johnson v. Glick decision: “[1] the need for the application of force, [2] the relationship between the need and the amount of force that was used, [3] the extent of injury inflicted, and [4] whether force was applied in a good faith effort to maintain or restore discipline or maliciously and sadistically for the very purpose of causing harm.” The court found that under this test, the officers had acted to “maintain or restore order,” and the Fourth Circuit panel affirmed this decision.[4] However, the United States Supreme Court decision differed from that of the lower courts.

The Supreme Court Justices unanimously decided to overturn the lower court rulings in Graham v. Connor. In his statement of the opinion of the court, Chief Justice Reinquist emphasized that the case must be decided under the Fourth Amendment, not under any other statute, because it concerns unreasonable search and seizure. Reinquist stated, “all claims that law enforcement officers have used excessive force – deadly or not – in the course of an arrest, investigatory stop, or other ‘seizure’ of a free citizen should be analyzed under the Fourth Amendment and its ‘reasonableness’ standard, rather than under a ‘substantive due process’ approach.” Reinquist also insisted that the case must be reviewed objectively, without regard for the officer’s perceived intent: “Because petitioner’s excessive force claim is one arising under the Fourth Amendment, the Court of Appeals erred in analyzing it under the four-part Johnson v. Glick test. That test, which requires consideration of whether individual officers acted in ‘good faith’ or ‘maliciously and sadistically for the very purpose of causing harm,’ is incompatible with a proper Fourth Amendment analysis…The Fourth Amendment inquiry is one of ‘objective reasonableness’ under the circumstances, and subjective concepts like ‘malice’ and ‘sadism’ have no proper place in that inquiry.” [5] The Court instructed the Fourth Circuit to review the case according to the Fourth Amendment, and not according to substantive due process, which they had originally and incorrectly used.

[1] Brown, 1257.

[2] Brown, 1257-1258.

[3] Brown, 1258.

[4] Brown, 1259.

[5] Reinquist, Graham v. Connor: Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals, 2-3.

Case Significance

The case proposes great insight to the injustices of the system. The Supreme Court, in their decision in Graham v Connor, stated: “The calculus of reasonableness must embody allowance for the fact that police officers are often forced to make split-second judgments in circumstances that are tense, uncertain, and rapidly evolving – about the amount of force that is necessary in a particular situation.” Meaning that the severity of the crime can cost an officer to make a decision that the end result could or could not be calculated properly. The final judgment is based on an assumption that when not carefully rationalized, Graham v. Connor delivers the broad framework for measuring how the use of force is legal under the Fourth Amendment. A balancing test is implemented when Courts must pay attention to the facts and circumstances of the case incorporating the severity of the crime committed. To determine whether the suspect is of any threat to the safety of the people or the officer. The test also should determine whether the individual is actively resisting arrest or attempting to avoid arrest.  The officer has to make the judgment and not anyone not understanding the situation or event should make the judgment.

In similar cases such as Plumhoff v. Rickard, the court reaffirms their decision in Graham v. Connor. After an officer shooting the car of Richard’s, for speeding, the court had to decide whether the officers actions are governed by the Fourth Amendment’s reasonableness. The justices also decided that the officers did not fire more shots than needed to end the public safety risk. Furthermore the court noted “ if police officers are justified in firing at a suspect in order to end a severe threat to public safety, the officers need not stop shooting until the threat has ended.” The real problem here is not shooting the suspect till the threat has ended but rather endangering the same public you are trying to protect. The actions of the officer poses a real threat on the public and can cause more damage than needed.

In comparison to the Ferguson case, you wonder what the right level of force to warrant an arrest is? You would think that an unarmed man usually does not pose as a threat to society. But since the actions of the officer are based on perspectives, what the officer perceives is how they act. The law must be changed because too many people especially minorities are a victim of this law. The chance to prove their innocence is out the door because the action of the officers is based on perspectives. In situations like this suspects are treated as guilty, without given the opportunity to be proven innocent. Officers are not held accountable and it could be said that their profiling is abusing the system because the law is behind them and its quite unfortunate that officers can shoot anyone they see as a threat even if its not the case.

Class Connections

Graham v. Connor relates to our class readings regarding issues of normality and intersectionality. In the Human Rights Watch article, “Sex Workers at Risk: Condoms as Evidence of Prostitution in Four U.S. Cities,” we learned the vague language that allows for the arrest of many on suspicion of sex worker. Behavior that was considered consistent with sex work included loitering, frequenting an area known for sex work, and gesturing or beckoning towards a person or car. This vague language allows for police profiling of people based on their dress, associates, and perceived “abnormal” behavior. In this case, Dethorne Graham was profiled on account of his being diabetic. The symptoms of his medical condition caused him to act in a manner that could be considered “abnormal,” and possibly criminal, leading to his subsequent, unwarranted arrest.

In Kimberle Crenshaw’s paper, “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory, and Antiracist Politics,” we learned the unique experience that occurs under the intersection of two or more marginalized classes. Crenshaw addresses the position of black women, however, in our case, Dethorne Graham is both black and has a medical condition. His unwarranted arrest stemmed most directly from his behavior that resulted from an insulin reaction, however, it may have been compounded by the fact that black men are often profiled and marginalized. Both his race and the symptoms of his medical condition created a unique situation that contributed to his being profiled. While these factors can be addressed individually—and were in this case, as his medical condition was discussed but his race not mentioned, they should be addressed both individually and together, in order to best understand the complex effects of profiling and marginalization.

Our Theories

The decision made in Dethorne Graham’s original case seems unjust, considering that force was applied completely disregarding his medical condition which was voiced by both Graham and Berry when the police questioned Graham’s “suspicious” activity. Graham and Berry voiced that Graham was carrying a medical card indicating that he is a diabetic confirming their story that Graham’s behavior was exhibiting diabetic symptoms. While Connor, the officer who had made the stop returned to the store to question if any crime had taken place, Graham was brutalized by the other police officers called to the scene who refused to acknowledge or check on his medical condition and refused to let Graham drink the orange juice that would have stabilized his blood sugar. This negligence to acknowledge medical need could have put Graham at risk of a diabetic seizure and possibly threatened his life.  An argument can be made under Section 1983, a statute that was drafted in response to the abuses suffered by African Americans in the Post – Civil War Era, as far as denial of medical attention. This constitutional claim can be called for anything ranging from “deliberate indifference” to “ a serious medical need” for a detainee in custody (Loevy, 2004).  The officers used nothing but their own ideas of what constitutes “normal” behavior to assume that Graham was intoxicated, and used that assumption to justify assaulting him.

In Graham v. Connor there are many historically important factors that play into the decisions made by the court. It is crucially important to acknowledge that Dethorne Graham was a black man, living in North Carolina in the late 1980s. The 1980’s was also a time period heavily plagued by crack related drug crimes, which drives the legitimization of the use of force due to the suspicion of Officer Connor, based on his observations it is very possible that he profiled Mr. Graham as someone who fits a racial profile and must further be investigated. This criminalization of the black man especially in the context of the War on Drugs, has had incredible effects on the unparalleled brutalization and incarceration of African Americans.  It has shaped who the American public perceives to be “criminal.”

There is no civil rights safeguard to protect individuals from the police power to target persons according to their own sets of prejudices. This problem persists to current day profiling of people of color with policies such as Stop and Frisk, which have been declared unconstitutional but are still taking place.

Conclusion

The unanimous Supreme Court decision in Graham v. Connor reaffirms our Fourth Amendment rights.  According to Darrell Ross, “the court emphasized the overriding function of the Fourth Amendment is to protect an individual’s personal privacy and dignity against unwarranted intrusion by the ‘State’.”[1]  However, although Graham v. Connor helped to clarify the objective reasonableness standard to be used in cases of search and seizure, this does not mean that this standard has been evenly applied.  The reasonableness standard is often left open to interpretation by courts, and even by the officers themselves.[2]  This has led to situations such as the recent shooting of unarmed Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, which police officer Darren Wilson justified in terms of “reasonable” action in order to protect himself and others.[3]  Although the Graham v. Connor decision helps to reaffirm our Fourth Amendment rights, it does not address issues of police profiling and increased marginalization as a result of one’s belonging to one or more minority groups.  Problems persist, not only with these issues, but with the uneven application of the Fourth Amendment and the objective reasonableness standard.

[1] Ross, 300.

[2] Ross, 302.

[3] Leonnig, 2.

Bibliography

Brown, Jill I. “Defining “Reasonable” Police Conduct: Graham v. Connor and Excessive Force During Arrest,” UCLA Law Review 38 no. 5 (1991). The Regents of the University of California. Lexis Nexis Academic. 1257-1286.

“Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit,” Graham v. Connor. University of Arkansas School of Law. http://law.uark.edu/documents/Bailey-CrimPro-Graham-v.-Connor.pdf

Leonnig, Carol D. “Current Law Gives Police Wide Latitude to use Deadly Force (Posted 2014-08-28 16:25:14).” The Washington Post, Aug 28, 2014. http://search.proquest.com/docview/1557934610?accountid=27495.

Loevy, J. (n.d.). Ection 1983 Litigation In A Nutshell: Make A Case Out of It! The Journal of the DuPage County Bar Association, 17. Retrieved November 1, 2014, from http://www.dcbabrief.org/vol171004art2.html

Lopes, Zachary. “Supreme Court Reaffirms Graham v. Connor – Arkansas Officers’ Use Of Deadly Force Cleared,” Rains Lucia Stern, PC. June 4 2014. http://www.rlslawyers.com/supreme-court-reaffirms-graham-v-conner-arkansas-officers-use-of-deadly-force-cleared/

Miller, Tim. “Part 1: Graham v. Connor.” FLETC Training Center Materials. https://www.fletc.gov/sites/default/files/PartIGrahamvConnor.pdf

“Oral Argument,” Graham v. Connor. The Oyez Project at IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law, 2011. http://www.oyez.org/cases/1980-1989/1988/1988_87_6571

Ross, Darrell L. “An Assessment of Graham v. Connor Ten Years Later,” Policing 25 no. 2 (2002). Proquest Social Sciences Premium Collection. 294-319. http://search.proquest.com/docview/211220201?accountid=27495

Sullivan, Eileen. “Supreme Court case to shape Ferguson investigation.” The Big Story. Associated Press. August 21 2014. http://bigstory.ap.org/article/supreme-court-case-shape-ferguson-investigation

Sussman, Aaron. “Shocking the Conscience: What Police Tasers and Weapon Technology Reveal About Excessive Force Law,” UCLA Law Review 59 no. 5 (2012). The Regents of the University of California. Lexis Nexis Academic. 1342-1415.

USLegal, Inc. “Excessive Force Law & Legal Definition,” USLegal.com, 2014. http://definitions.uslegal.com/e/excessive-force/

USLegal, Inc. “Reasonable Man Theory Law & Legal Definition,” USLegal.com, 2014. http://definitions.uslegal.com/r/reasonable-man-theory/

Response to “Combahee River Collective Statement”

In “The Combahee River Collective Statement,” the women of the Combahee River Collective explain black feminism, the tenets of the group, the problems of organizing black feminists, and what issues the organization will focus on. The writer begins with a statement derived from Angela Davis’ work, that “Black women have always embodied, if only in their physical manifestation, an adversary stance to white male rule and have actively resisted its inroads upon them and their communities in both dramatic and subtle ways” (1). The writer recognizes the contributions of countless women who came before and made sacrifices for black feminism. Although many black women had been resisting oppression for generations, the first official black feminist group, the National Black Feminist Organization (NBFO), was formed in New York in 1973. This group grew out of its founders’ realizations that black women needed a collective voice that was both anti-sexist, unlike groups formed by black and white men, and anti-racist, unlike groups formed by white women. The writer states that coming to this group is a “political realization that comes from the seemingly personal experiences of individual Black women’s lives,” which I found to be an interesting realization of power.

The writer describes women who had previously felt “crazy” because of the combined oppression and lack of resonance in established movements, until they came to the black feminist movement. I found this interesting—it is easy for one to feel “insane” when it seems that no one recognizes their struggle, when their struggle stems and grows from multiple sources, yet they are not given a public forum in which to express their experience. In that way, I feel that coming to the black feminist movement must be affirming. One’s struggle is finally recognized for the unique experience that it is, and it becomes not a source of solitary sadness, but a source of shared power. This is further supported by the author’s statement that the Collective considers Black women to have inherent value for which it is worth fighting for liberation, separate from simply gender or race. The writer states that the Collective’s “politics evolve from a healthy love for ourselves” (2), a sentiment which must also serve to affirm and create a source of power for group members.

The Statement continues to address the economic structure—the Collective calls for “the destruction of the political-economic systems of capitalism and imperialism as well as patriarchy” (3), however, the writer believes that a socialist revolution must be specific to the needs of all oppressed peoples, otherwise, society will not improve. The writer also calls for an extension of Marx’s theory to address the specific economic situation of black women, as well as for an examination of the multifaceted experience of black women. I found the Collective to be extremely understanding of social dynamics, as seen in this statement: “We have a great deal of criticism and loathing for what men have been socialized to be in this society…but we do not have the misguided notion that it is their maleness, per se—i.e., their biological maleness—that makes them what they are.” The author addresses the “socialization” of men to adopt certain roles and oppress women—I feel that this stems from a complex understanding of social dynamics. The author is careful to separate biology from socialization, no doubt because the author is aware of the historical implications of biological determinism.

I found this reading, overall, to be very interesting and insightful into the organization and unique issues faced by black feminists. I only found two points that I would critique. The author states, “if Black women were free, it would mean that everyone else would have to be free since our freedom would necessitate the destruction of all the systems of oppression” (4). I cannot agree with this statement, because even though the Collective does call for radical, positive social change, this change would not necessarily free all oppressed peoples. The author doesn’t mention the disabled, undocumented, or incarcerated—who, while they would no doubt benefit from the destruction of capitalism and white patriarchy, I would not say that they would become entirely liberated, because each group faces an entirely unique set of challenges. Also, the author states, “the material conditions of most Black women would hardly lead them to upset both economic and sexual arrangements that seem to represent some stability in their lives” (5). While I agree with the author’s statement, I believe it can be extrapolated to most women who are poor, working class, or otherwise oppressed. This is most definitely an issue that has not been fully addressed by the mainstream, white, middle-class feminist movement.

My discussion questions for the class are, what do you think of the aims of the Collective, and of the challenges to organizing black feminists? Do you agree with the author’s statement that the freedom of black women would mean the destruction of all oppressive powers, and therefore, comprehensive liberation?

The Concept of Jury Nullification

Hey all,

Hope everyone’s having a great weekend.  I just found something that I wanted to share with the class as I felt it was relevant to a lot of things that we have discussed so far concerning distribution of power in society and legal rights.  As I was watching How to Get Away with Murder the other night, the episode dealt with the case of a young man who had shot his police officer father after witnessing years of his abuse towards his mother (this is a not uncommon, but rarely addressed issue, known as the Blue Wall of Silence).  Because of public opinion and the lack of physical evidence, the defense team figured that the only way they could win the case was if the jury learned about “jury nullification”–but they were forbidden, under penalty of being disbarred, from mentioning it to the jurors.

After seeing this, I became intrigued.  What is jury nullification? Why couldn’t the defense team mention it? What did it mean for that particular case.  So I looked it up online and found some answers.  Apparently, jury nullification is the right of the jury to decide the case not based on the evidence presented, but on their opinion of the law itself.

According to Doug Linder at the University of Missouri-Kansas City Law School, “Jury nullification occurs when a jury returns a verdict of “Not Guilty” despite its belief that the defendant is guilty of the violation charged.  The jury in effect nullifies a law that it believes is either immoral or wrongly applied to the defendant whose fate they are charged with deciding.

Historical example include the free press trial of John Peter Zenger, trials concerning the Alien and Sedition Acts, the Fugitive Slave Acts, and Prohibition.  Juries were traditionally told about their right to nullify along with all of their other rights and responsibilities.  However, support for jury nullification began to fade in the late nineteeth century, and courts stopped informing juries.  Some courts, like the one I saw on TV, do not allow jurors to learn about jury nullification-at least from an involved party.  Today, I think it depends on where you live–I am honestly not sure if this is a right in NY, as this information was hard to find.

So, what do you think about jury nullification?  I think it’s a pretty strong form of civil protest-it puts so much power in the hands of the jurors!  From what I read, it can be used as a way to protest unjust laws or laws that the jury believes are being unfairly applied (see the historical examples above), but, it can also be used to increase support a jury’s biases-as in the cases of juries refusing to convict white supremacist murders.  I think this concept deserves more attention–why did I only learn about it from a TV show?  There seems to be some controversy about how this would affect legal proceedings, but I think that if this is our legal right, we should be informed, as it is a method of expressing power.

Here are the sources I found if you’d like to read further:

http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/zenger/nullification.html

Click to access JG_state_language_on_jury_nullification.pdf

Crenshaw’s Writings Reflected in an Online Article Response

Hey all,

Just came across this online.  Actress Emma Watson made a speech for the UN recently about campaign that she is supporting, called He For She. Basically, the campaign calls for men to support feminism, reject gender inequality, etc. Sounds like a nice idea right?

Until you listen to Watson’s speech and hear the underlying assumptions.  I had seen this speech posted on different news sites, social media, etc, and saw people praising it as “groundbreaking” and stuff (which automatically made me suspicious, lol).  When you listen to it, it’s anything but.  She basically brings out the same old things that have been said before. She kind of turns gender inequality into some surface issue problem that “hurts men too”-which is the reason why they should support it.  Now even though gender inequality exists to benefit men, I have no doubt that societally enforced gender roles harm men-but it harms different men in different ways, and combines with other factors such as race, sexuality, and physical ability as well. But that’s not why men should care about feminism and gender inequality!!

Anyway, before I go off into a long rant about the different parts of the speech that were wrong/lacking/ignored different issues, I’ll just leave the link here so that you can read this blogger, Mia McKenzie of Black Girl Dangerous’s response.

http://www.blackgirldangerous.org/2014/09/im-really-emma-watsons-feminism-speech-u-n/

And, here is the paragraph of her response that reminded me of Crenshaw:

Thirdly, the people with the most privilege are constantly being centralized this way in conversations about oppression and it needs to stop. This is why “marriage equality” is the mainstream LGBTQ rights issue, rather than homeless queer youth or struggling elders, rather than invisibilization and erasure of queer and trans people of color. The face of the “marriage equality” movement is mostly white, male and well-off. The people with the most privilege are centered in the discussion, while the people who are the most oppressed are an afterthought, at best. De-centralizing women in conversations about gender inequality isn’t good.

If you get the chance to read it, McKenzie’s response is pretty cool and definitely related to different class topics!